Kinaaldá is a ceremony that touches on many aspects of Navajo culture. While it is superficially associated with a distinctly female phenomenon, it manages to foster a keen sense of comunitas (Turner and Turner, 1982) across both genders. Arnold van Gennup first coined the term comunitas in 1909 to describe the group solidarity associated with religions celebrations and rites of passage. It has the effect of breaking down conventional social barriers and allowing individuals to experience the commonality that they share. To that end, the ceremony goes far beyond the recognition of one individual's transition to adulthood; it also celebrates a mythical history and the creative power of nature which is worshipped by the Navajo people. However, as Turner and Turner (1982) note, comunitas is not necessarily egalitarian. The Kinaaldá ceremony reinforces the traditional roles of women in Navajo society, but it allows the entire community to take part within the context of the creation story and the importance of this lifetime milestone to Navajo existence.
As mentioned previously, Kinaaldá can be framed within the three stages of religious ritual: separation, liminality, and reaggregation, as outlined by Turner and Turner (1982). However, Markstrom (2003) contends that this rite of passage can be divided into four stages: preparation, separation, transition, and reincorporation. This framework may be more useful for interpreting this ceremony.
According to Markstrom (2003), preparation begins long before a girl reaches puberty. This is further supported by Frisbie's (1993) observations of young girls participating in the preparatory steps of the ceremony. From a very early point, girls are included in the rite, often providing assistance as others prepare for their own ceremony. Mothers teach their children the ways of the ceremony, indoctrinating them in the sacred rituals and history of their religion. Throughout childhood, this inclusion helps to form an identity which will later be challenged at their own Kinaaldá. It may be further argued that the preparation period represents an opportunity for enculturation of young girls as their future social roles are illustrated in the ceremony.
With the onset of menstruation, the girl begins separation, both from the community around her and the childhood identity she had once known. This separation is emphasized from the very beginning of the ceremony, at which point she must run, grind corn, and have her body manipulated through molding and washing of her hair. (Frisbie, 1993) These new and somewhat jarring experiences serve to remind the girl that childhood has ended and she is now embarking on a new phase of her life. Just as in the case of Turner's ritual framework, the separation leads to a liminal period of “role confusion” whereby the girl is forced to consider her identity from a new perspective. As this confusion persists, according to Markstrom (2003), she begins to develop a motivation to form a new identity, eventually leading into the transition phase.
The transition phase is characterized by a relief of the previous confusion as the girl begins to comprehend her new identity as a woman. The final all-night sing, her outdoor molding, hair washing, and her final run all contribute to this sense of completion. The story of Changing Woman is constantly present throughout the ceremony, and as the initiate reaches the transition period, she begins to identify with this mother-creator. (Markstrom, 2003) This is the new character, that of the ideal Navajo woman, that the girl hopes to emulate. By this point in the ceremony she is well on her way to that objective. All that is left is to rejoin her community with her new identity.
During the reincorporation phase, the initiate's successful transition is marked by the assignment of a new name. Through this process, the community recognizes that the initiate is no longer a child, but has become a woman with new responsibilities and powers. Her role as a sustenance provider is reinforced as she serves ceremony attendees pieces of the corn-cake prepared the day before. In addition, women are recognized as the primary providers of care to the family and the source of fertility which allows the Navajo to procreate. This represents great power, and as is the case, it ties women to the original creator of the Navajo, Changing Woman. Through the blessing of the attendees, this power is symbolized and the ceremony is concluded. (Frisbie, 1993)
Beyond this focus on the initiate, the Kinaaldá ceremony provides an opportunity for the Navajo people to celebrate their common heritage. As Turner and Turner (1982) noted, religion is generally social, public, and systematic. We see the same characteristics in the performance of Kinaaldá. Obviously, the ceremony is centered on the initiate's transition, but it involves the entire community as they come together to sing songs throughout the four day process. Unlike many peoples of European descent, puberty is not looked upon with shame or embarrassment by the Navajo (or many other Native American peoples, for that matter). Rather, it is seen as something to commemorate as an important change in life, allowing the culture to pass from one generation to the next. In addition, Kinaaldá makes this a public affair that is further recognized through the assignment of a new name to the girl. Just as it serves to remind her of her new identity, the new name tells her community that she is no longer a child. Finally, the systematic nature of the ceremony is present in nearly every aspect. Specific rules govern the order of ceremony, from the prescribed songs all the way down to the position of corn husks within the fire pit.